Literary Latitude

Mass participation plays a crucial role in the development of popular culture. Popular culture is characterized by its simplicity, making it accessible and appealing to the masses. Over time, complex aspects of high culture often become simplified and normalized, leading to their widespread adoption. What was once considered exclusive or elite gradually becomes part of the general cultural landscape.

A key example of this transformation is the car. In the 1970s and 1980s, owning a car symbolized elite culture. The Ambassador car, for instance, was considered a status symbol. Even those who could not afford a car often took pride in being photographed with one, highlighting its association with prestige. At that time, cars were difficult to own and maintain, making them inaccessible to most people. However, over time, factors such as price reductions, rising salaries, and product devaluation have made cars more accessible, transforming them from elite objects into common commodities embraced by the masses.

Similarly, two-wheelers, such as Bullet motorcycles, Rajdoot bikes, and Bajaj scooters, followed a similar trajectory. Owning these vehicles in the past was considered prestigious and often involved long waiting periods, with buyers paying advances and waiting months or even a year for delivery. Today, purchasing a bike or scooter is much more convenient, with immediate availability and a variety of options to choose from. What was once a symbol of exclusivity has now become an integral part of popular culture and daily life.

Another example is the mobile phone. Thirty years ago, mobile phones, such as the early Nokia models, were expensive and associated with high culture. The primary function of these phones was to make calls, and they were priced around ₹30,000–40,000, which was a significant amount at the time. When 2G internet (GPRS) was introduced, phones capable of using this service were priced even higher, at around ₹50,000-60,000. However, the internet provided by these devices was slow, with speeds of around 30–40 KBPS.

In contrast, today’s mobile phones offer vastly superior capabilities, including high-speed internet, advanced features, and better overall performance. Despite this, they are much more affordable, reflecting a dramatic shift in accessibility. Phones priced at ₹40,000 today are thousands of times more powerful than older models and are relatively inexpensive when considering the devaluation of currency and the increase in average income. What was once an elite luxury has now become an essential part of everyday life and mass culture.

In 2003, the value of ₹40,000 was equivalent to more than a year’s salary for someone earning around ₹2,800 per month, illustrating the significant difference in purchasing power compared to the present day. Currently, with salaries like ₹60,000 per month, the same amount equates to less than a month’s income. This highlights the devaluation of currency and the shift in affordability over time. Previously, mobile phones were considered part of high culture due to their high cost and limited accessibility. Today, however, mobile phones are ubiquitous, with most individuals owning one or even multiple devices, demonstrating how high culture items can evolve into popular culture.

This phenomenon of high culture transitioning into popular culture can be observed in various examples. Popular platforms like TikTok and Instagram Reels have shown how popular culture can influence high culture. During the COVID-19 lockdown, Bollywood celebrities, typically associated with elite lifestyles, began creating content on social media, embracing popular culture to stay relevant. These celebrities, despite being part of the popular culture industry through films, maintain elite lifestyles, reflecting the intersection of both cultural forms.

Anupam Kher’s viral video “Karna Kya Chahte Ho?” is a good example of how mainstream celebrities adopted social media trends that originated from everyday users. By participating in dances and trends commonly embraced by the general public, these celebrities demonstrated how cultural boundaries between high and popular culture can blur. Although these boundaries are sometimes rigid, they become fluid when popular cultural forms gain mainstream attention, prompting acceptance by elite circles. At this point, distinguishing between high and popular culture becomes difficult.

Folk culture is another important aspect of the cultural landscape. Folk culture is inherently tied to specific communities and traditions, often reflecting the heritage and practices of particular regions. While high culture is typically associated with the educated elite, wealthy patrons, and those who appreciate refined aesthetics, and popular culture thrives among middle-class and lower-middle-class individuals, folk culture is distinct. It is rooted in localized traditions, often passed down orally or through communal activities, making it geographically specific. Unlike high and popular culture, which transcend physical boundaries and can achieve global appeal, folk culture remains deeply connected to its place of origin, offering a unique cultural identity.

Platforms like TikTok and WhatsApp have significantly blurred the distinction between high culture and popular culture. WhatsApp, for instance, is a key example of a digital tool that transcends social and cultural boundaries. It is used universally, from common people to celebrities and elites, making it an essential platform in daily communication across all levels of society. Even within folk communities, where people traditionally pass down knowledge orally, the widespread adoption of smartphones and apps like WhatsApp shows how elements of popular culture are penetrating these spaces.

Folk culture, however, retains certain distinct characteristics that differentiate it from high and popular culture. It is typically region-specific and generational, relying on oral transmission rather than written documentation. Unlike literary traditions where information is preserved through texts, folk culture thrives on indigenous knowledge systems. Skills, practices, and songs are passed down informally by observing and participating in communal activities. For example, cooking is often learned informally within families. Children observe their parents or relatives cooking, internalize the knowledge, and eventually pass it on to the next generation without formal training.

Similarly, folk songs and dance forms such as Kajari and Birha, along with seasonal lokgeet (folk songs), demonstrate this process of transmission. These cultural practices are often tied to agricultural cycles or specific seasons. For instance, certain folk traditions are celebrated during the harvest season, while others may emerge in the summer or rainy seasons. These practices are diverse and vary across regions, contributing to their uniqueness.

The transmission of folk culture happens through direct participation. For example, during harvest time, people working in the fields sing traditional songs. These songs are typically not recorded in books or archives, yet they persist across generations through lived experience. A child growing up in a rural environment may witness their grandparents and parents singing these songs, internalizing them naturally. Often, multiple generations within the same family—such as grandparents, parents, and children—coexist and contribute to preserving these traditions. As a result, cultural knowledge and practices are seamlessly passed down, creating a continuous link between past and present.

This generational continuity ensures the survival of folk culture, even in an era dominated by popular and digital influences. However, its dependence on oral transmission and regional specificity also makes it vulnerable to decline if not actively practiced and preserved.

In folk culture, knowledge is rarely taught in a formal or systematic way. Instead, it is passed down informally through observation and participation. For example, when organizing a traditional event like a marriage, there is no formal training required. People intuitively know how to conduct ceremonies because they have observed these practices over generations. Marriage, traditionally part of folk culture, is now becoming more homogenized due to technological intervention and exposure to popular culture. Decades ago, marriages in India were highly diverse, with different regions, communities, and castes practicing their own unique traditions.

This diversity was evident in the distinct customs and rituals observed across regions. Folk culture associated with marriage, while often rooted in regional practices, also had elements tied to caste identities. Although caste-based practices were problematic and exclusionary, they were part of the diverse regional traditions. Excluding the caste-based aspects, regional marriage customs showcased the localized nature of folk culture, where traditions could vary significantly within a few kilometers.

For instance, lokgeet (folk songs) provide a good example of this regional diversity. The lyrics, themes, and performances of lokgeet vary from place to place, reflecting the distinct social, cultural, and environmental contexts of different regions. In Gorakhpur, the performance of a lokgeet would be different from its rendition in Banaras, Allahabad, or Banda. Moving further west towards Mathura or Brindavan, one would encounter entirely different performance styles, influenced by the local culture, geography, and history.

This regional variation makes folk culture difficult to document comprehensively. Folk traditions often carry imprints of the past while being influenced by modern elements and regional factors such as climate, agricultural practices, religious beliefs, and social structures. These factors contribute to the richness and diversity of folk culture but also pose challenges in creating a uniform documentation of its practices.

Researching folk culture is especially important today, as it is increasingly threatened by the spread of popular culture. Popular culture, with its mass appeal and global reach, is gradually replacing many localized folk practices. As folk culture is often limited to specific regions, it is vulnerable to extinction. The decline of folk traditions highlights the need for research and preservation efforts to document and safeguard these cultural forms before they disappear entirely.

Folk culture is often stagnant because it lacks the perceived rewards or relevance offered by newer cultural forms. This stagnation is further exacerbated by the hierarchical perception of cultures, where certain cultural practices are deemed superior and others inferior. Folk cultures, in particular, are frequently viewed from this hierarchical lens, leading to their marginalization. For example, speaking Bhojpuri in an academic setting, such as at Gorakhpur University, can result in derogatory labels like gawar (unsophisticated or backward). However, this perception ignores the intrinsic value of Bhojpuri as part of a rich folk tradition. Speaking the language is not a sign of backwardness or ignorance, but a reflection of cultural heritage.

This cultural hierarchy is central to cultural studies, which analyze the politics of cultural power and representation. For instance, the dominance of Khadi Boli Hindi over regional languages like Bhojpuri is rooted in mass adoption, literary production, and institutional reinforcement. Bhojpuri, although rich in folk expression, has often been overshadowed by Hindi, which itself experiences an inferiority complex when compared to English. This illustrates how cultural hierarchies are relative and operate across multiple levels, affecting languages, traditions, and even social practices.

The hierarchical nature of culture is also evident in various aspects of life, such as marriage customs, clothing, and housing. In rural areas, the way people dress, build their homes, or decorate their surroundings varies greatly from region to region. For example, the type of plants placed in front yards or courtyards reflects local customs and practical needs. Even within a single language like Bhojpuri, regional differences are notable—Bhojpuri spoken in Banaras differs from that in Gorakhpur, and when spoken in Allahabad, it is often labeled as Dehati (rural or unsophisticated).

Folk culture, by nature, is informal, undocumented, and deeply tied to local traditions, places, and communities. Unlike mainstream or elite cultural forms, which are more standardized and widely recognized, folk cultures remain highly localized. For example, the gods and goddesses worshipped in folk traditions are often unique to a specific region, and the rituals surrounding them differ accordingly. As one travels even a short distance—say, 50 kilometers—the cultural practices and beliefs can change drastically. India, with its vast geographic and cultural diversity, is home to thousands of distinct folk traditions, many of which remain underdeveloped due to limited institutional support and widespread neglect.

One significant factor contributing to the decline of folk culture is the cultural hierarchy that discourages its celebration. However, certain forms of folk culture have managed to achieve mainstream recognition. For instance, Chhath Puja, originally a folk ritual practiced in Bihar, has now gained widespread popularity in urban centers and beyond. Historically, Chhath Puja was rooted in resistance against the dominant, Brahminical Hindu traditions that centered around idol worship and hierarchical religious practices. Unlike the authoritative and often violent depictions of deities in mainstream Hinduism, Chhath Puja revolves around the worship of the Sun God and nature, reflecting a more inclusive and egalitarian religious practice.

This distinction is important because mainstream Hindu deities like Brahma, Vishnu, and Krishna are often associated with Brahminical authority, leaving little room for representation of marginalized communities such as tribal groups. In traditional Hindu narratives, tribals have often been depicted as rakshas (demons) or outsiders, further alienating them from mainstream religious practices. Consequently, tribal and folk communities have developed their own spiritual systems that do not align with the dominant Hindu pantheon. Their gods and rituals are local, tied to the land and nature, and reflect their distinct cultural identity. This difference underscores the need to preserve and recognize the value of folk traditions, which offer alternative perspectives to mainstream cultural narratives.

Folk cultures, particularly those with indigenous or tribal origins, often center around the worship of natural entities. For example, in Chhath Puja, the focus is on the worship of the Sun and other natural elements, rather than deities like Krishna or Ram. This reflects the close relationship that early communities in regions like Bihar had with their natural surroundings. These areas were once densely forested, and people’s connection to nature influenced their religious consciousness. In response to the hierarchical dominance of Hindu deities, they developed a form of worship centered on natural forces as a form of cultural and spiritual resistance.

As Chhath Puja grew in popularity, it underwent a process of adaptation and appropriation within Hinduism. One of Hinduism’s unique characteristics is its ability to absorb and naturalize emerging folk or popular practices by branding them as part of its religious tradition. Over time, Chhath Puja, initially a folk or tribal practice, became identified as a Hindu ritual. This shift mirrors similar examples of cultural appropriation, such as the case of the Jagannath Temple in Odisha.

Historically, the deity Jagannath was a tribal god worshipped by local communities in Odisha. However, during the 13th or 14th century, a regional king sought to integrate the worship of Jagannath into the Hindu tradition to consolidate power. With the advice of Brahmins from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, Jagannath was appropriated and rebranded as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu. The temple dedicated to him in Puri is now considered one of Hinduism’s major pilgrimage sites. Despite this, Jagannath’s tribal origins remain evident in certain practices. For example, during the temple’s main festival, the statue of Jagannath is taken to a cave, a sacred site for the tribal community, where it rests for one month under their care before being returned to the temple.

This arrangement highlights the power imbalance and the politics of cultural appropriation. For eleven months, the worship of Jagannath occurs under the Brahminical framework of Hinduism, while the original tribal worship is confined to just one month. Nevertheless, the tribal communities have kept their distinct cultural practices alive and continue to assert their connection to the deity. Their form of worship remains separate from the mainstream practices, maintaining its local specificity and meaning despite external pressures.

This example illustrates how folk cultures, though often marginalized and appropriated by dominant cultural forces, persist through local practitioners who actively maintain and protect their traditions. Village temples and local gods, for instance, are often tied to specific agricultural practices, seasons, or regional beliefs. While large, popular temples have become hubs of mass worship, village temples often remain personal and deeply rooted in local customs. The gods worshipped there are not mainstream Hindu deities but rather local gods tied to harvests, rain, and fertility, reflecting the diversity and richness of folk religious practices. This demonstrates how folk cultures continue to exist, even as they navigate the pressures and influences of popular and dominant cultural forms.

In tribal and folk cultures, the deities worshipped for natural elements like fire, water, and land are distinct from those in mainstream Hindu traditions. For instance, tribals do not worship Agni Devta (the Hindu god of fire) or Indra (the Hindu god of rain and water); instead, they have their own local deities associated with these natural elements. These gods vary not only by function but also by region. As one moves from Bihar to Rajasthan or Jharkhand, the deities and the rituals associated with them change, reflecting the localized nature of folk spirituality.

The political divisions of India, such as the states of Bihar, Rajasthan, or Jharkhand, are not reflective of cultural boundaries. These divisions are administrative, created for governance purposes, but they do not accurately represent the fluid and overlapping nature of cultural identities. Cultural boundaries are fragile and often hard to define, as they do not follow strict geographical lines. Instead, they are dynamic and adaptable, shaped by regional interactions and historical context.

Cultural contact zones emerge in regions where two or more cultures coexist and influence each other simultaneously. At these zones, neither culture exists in isolation. Instead, they interact, giving rise to biculturalism or, in some cases, new cultural hybrids. Biculturalism occurs when two distinct cultures come into contact and blend aspects of their traditions, creating a new, intermediary culture. For example, a region where traditional tribal rituals meet mainstream religious practices may develop a unique cultural blend that incorporates elements of both.

Multiculturalism, on the other hand, refers to the coexistence of multiple distinct cultures within a shared space, without necessarily blending into a single, unified culture. Multicultural societies are characterized by the parallel existence of different cultural groups, often with varying languages, customs, and traditions. Unlike biculturalism, where two cultures interact and mix, multiculturalism highlights the diversity within a community, where various cultures coexist while maintaining their distinct identities.

In future discussions, topics like the nature of multiculturalism and its implications in diverse societies can be explored further, emphasizing how cultures interact, evolve, and coexist in an interconnected world.